Violent Build-Up to Flawed Election in 2000.

Light clouds littlerrain but have dampened the fires

Before I commence writing this week's blog, I would like to offer no apology for providing further details on the farm invasions in Zimbabwe and some of the players involved in them. For me, the farm invasions were more traumatic than anything that happened in the Rhodesian war, and they personally had a much more adverse psychological impact than my near brushes with death due to my health. Another reason for being pedantic about it is that younger generations are unaware of these events. Still, many of the older generations, ours, despite the wide coverage in the press, say they are ignorant of the facts. They are undoubtedly unaware of the British government's role in helping to motivate Mugabe into his actions, and then the fact that they compounded this by taking no serious action to stop it, even standing back when the people's will was stolen at the ballot box.

"The analysis also clearly proves that, even when in receipt of solid intelligence, the UK government’s response was to wilfully turn a “blind eye” to the victims of these gross abuses."- The analysis by The Conversation after reviewing the correspondence from the harare High Commission to London

Following Allan Dunn and John Weeks’ murder, the violence for the next month was very much focused on intimidation to ensure the ruling party would win the June parliamentary elections. The townships and small rural centres were extremely hard hit, as were the farmers, including their workforces. It was estimated that the death toll probably reached close to a thousand before the elections at the end of June that year 2000. Who was keeping track? Amnesty International. While one of the most outspoken voices against violence in Zimbabwe, had tried to influence the situation to no avail; Michael Auret, who had retired as the outspoken chairman of the Zimbabwe Justice and Peace Commission in 1999 to contest and win a seat for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). His voice was heard, especially in the Vatican, but when he joined the MDC in 1999, his voice was seen by many as no longer impartial. Surely, when you ask for the return of the rule of law and democracy, no matter what party you belong to, these matters should not be considered a parochial viewpoint. After all, he is the one who dared to bring the Matebeland massacres, the Gukurahundi, to the attention of the world, a brave and devout man. It is said that, as the British did not intervene to stop these massacres in the very early days of Mugabe’s rule, he, Mugabe, lost any fear of future intervention by the British and perhaps his disdain for the rule of law during elections. Possibly, farm invasions could trace their roots back to then?

“Whatever the excuse the British had for being almost complicit in the Gukurahundi, I believe this non-action in calling for the rule of law and the adherence to human rights at that time had the effect of giving Mugabe the confidence to do what he wanted, no matter the cost to the country or how brutal.” - Peter McSporran

The political violence seemed to be led by the ‘war vets’ or at least their leadership, with their numbers swollen by street thugs and other ‘Ne'er-do-wells.’ The leader of the ‘war vets’ at that time was Dr Chenjerai “Hitler” Hunzvi, a particularly evil man in nature and deed.

Hunzi

"A cruel and vile man who took delight in beating me. He never fired a shot in the war.” - Hunzvi’s Polish wife after fleeing from him in 1992

He studied to be a doctor in Poland during the liberation, graduating in 1979. Therefore, it would have been impossible for him to have fought in the liberation struggle, as the ex-combatants called it. 

“To be identified as an ex-combatant in that war was deemed a badge of honour that carried many privileges. Conversely, many of the leaders in Zimbabwe, despite their claims to the contrary, were political animals rather than actual fighters. Like all politicians, they preferred to have others fight wars on their behalf while they intrigued against each other for power.” - Peter McSporran

Of course, there were exceptions to this; some of these survivors, the more prominent leaders in the field, were later killed by their own party. 

Hunzvi, working for a state hospital after independence, opened his own surgery in Budiro, Harare. He had a mixed career; he himself had been locked up for embezzling War Veteran Association funds, but his trial for this was continually postponed until his release. He later led the demand for payouts to war veterans as compensation for fighting for Independence, as well as for any injuries sustained during the war. Despite being a non-combatant, he claimed and received a 117% disability payment. This was the measure of the man leading the political violence, I think even Mugabe feared him or at least his organisation. 

When this was paid, that is, compensation to the ‘war vets’ in 1996, it triggered a financial crisis in the country, which, after five years, suddenly became the root cause of the violent political situation in 2000. The coffers were empty, only the land was available to give if taken from the white farmer, so why not give the nod to do so? By the June election of that year, Hunzvi’s surgery had become known as a place of torture where he would abduct and torture members of the opposition, not happy with the amount of bloodshed he was creating on the farms. Death even occurred there, but still no accountability or even investigation by the state into his activities, after all, he was now on their side. Opposition was a loose word when choosing a victim. Amnesty International dubbed his clinic a “Torture Chamber.” He enjoyed his reputation for violence, self-proclaiming himself “Zimbabwe’s number one terrorist.” One can only conjecture that he had become a tool of the regime, likely during his brief incarceration. He certainly enjoyed his work. Hunzvi died a year later, it was said from Malaria, then a heart attack and finally HIV. The Minister of Health. Timothy Stamps, at the time, and my ex-doctor said it was kidney failure. Take your pick, after all, Mugabe no longer needed him with the election won and the farm invasions in full swing. I think the best epitaph about him was this:

“There is jubilation in many quarters that he is dead, he organised much of the violence on farms and more recently in urban areas, he will not be missed, not even I think, by his own people.”- Claver Gozha a War Veteran with a differnt viewpoint of Hunzi

The continued broadcasting of the ongoing violence also had the effect of intimidating those with access to international TV stations.

“The trouble with the international coverage of the violence on the farms and the build-up to the elections was that its viewing helped instil terror in the local population, black and white, but only apathy from those international institutions and countries that claimed to hold the moral high ground.” - Peter McSporran

Another brutal leader emerged at that time, or rather, one who instigated violence. A Provincial Governor, Border Gezi, became the ZANU(PF) politician in charge of the recruitment and training of violent youth militia used against the opposition in the lead-up to this election and in the farm invasions alongside the ‘war vets’. Later, these thugs would become more formalised as the Youth Brigade, as they were in the early post-Independence days, and now resurrected under Border Gezi, with training camps being established in most districts. Becoming a Youth Brigade member allowed you to find employment in the Government, including the police, army and civil service. These camps were violent places of indoctrination, beatings, torture and rapes. An excellent foundation for its members to become subservient employees in various forms to a corrupt, self-interested, brutal regime. Funnily enough, as with Hunzvi, Gezi was to die in strange circumstances; it was said he died in a single-car accident. Not an uncommon form of death for those who fell out of favour with Mugabe and his inner circle.

The notorious Youth Brigade, aka 'Green Bombers.'

“It amazed me that during the farm invasions, where murder, beatings and property destruction, including theft, were commonplace when it suited the state, some incidents were claimed as being criminal. The 'Green Bombers' and Warvets' were immune to prosecution.” - Peter McSporran

In the lead-up to the election, another white farmer died, this time closer to home, being Tony Oates in Trelawney, the district next to ours. It was claimed by the state to have been a criminal act, but war veterans occupied the farms all around him. 

Tony bravely fought for his life, killing one of his attackers in his defence against them. Luckily, his action allowed his wife to escape. Meanwhile, in my immediate vicinity, it remained comparatively calm, for whatever reason I do not know. Yes, the war vets were active, but at that time, no meaningful invasions strong enough to stop our farming operations. For myself, by that time by choice, I had no influence, either on the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) or politically; the latter, in fact, I kept myself well out of it, although my counsel was often sought. I had no answer to the events taking place, nor do I believe anyone in the CFU had. For standing up for the farmers' rights, the then-President of the CFU, Tim Henwood, was dubbed a hardliner by Mugabe, with his administration openly stating that they favoured talking to Nick Swanepoel, a past president, rather than the elected CFU leadership. I agreed with Tim's stance, despite being told that the legal route was no longer possible, as the state had captured the judiciary. Some like the president of the Zimbabwe Tobacco Association, Kobus Joubert, favoured Nick's approach. Despite this, as one of the remianing white farmers on their farm, Kobus was murdered some ten years later.

Tim Henwood, president og the CFU with Kobus Joubert, president of the ZTA.

I always thought, or perhaps hoped, is a better word, the British would have instigated something on our behalf. To this end, John Meikle, David Irvine and I put out feelers to people of influence within and outside the country, including local embassies. This went on for a couple of months; I do not think we interfered or tried to influence the leadership of the CFU, but we certainly upset some for some reason, which I could not fathom. John Laurie and Nick Swanepoel asked us to desist saying we were causing problems in their negotiations. When I mentioned this to Tim a few weeks ago, he agreed that it was correct; I had not interfered in his running of the CFU. I think that is maybe where the union went wrong after Tim: listening to and acting on instructions from past presidents. Tim did not adhere to this, and he found he had enemies within his own camp underming him, aligned especially with Nick's view. I am sure Nick thought he would find a solution; perhaps he should have reflected on his time in office rather than on a dream. After all, our day had passed.

A couple of people I spoke to on a personal level were two of the indigenous farmers in our area, Robbie Mapawose and retired Air Chief Marshal Tungamirai. Both farmed within ten kilometres of me. Robbie had been the Permanent Secretary of Agriculture when I was chairman of the Oilseeds Association, and he had leased his farm from the Agricultural Finance Corporation after one of my former farm managers, Tony Leckie, lost the lease to accommodate him. This may have been distasteful, but it was legal. The other, Tungamirai, had been head of the air force, and while there, Casalee, John Bredenkamp's tobacco company, organised and financed the farm purchase on his behalf. After all, one of Bredenkamp's many hats was arms sales. Robbie, a sensible person, was convinced a solution would be found and Mugabe would stop before the economy collapsed. He was wrong. As for Tungamirai, he was convinced the MDC would win the election, and he was making plans to leave the country, not moving anywhere without a weapon in his hand. His manager told me that his boss had told him the UK would welcome him if the need arose, going as far as to say he had a UK passport. Just another bit of head-scratching information.

Disclaimer: Copyright Peter McSporran. The content in this blog represents my personal views and does not reflect corporate entities.